Caracteristicas Del Marco Legal En Venezuela

The ideas presented in the preceding paragraphs are intended to provide a conclusion and recommendation that, on the one hand, guide the organization and collective decision-making of society and its citizens with regard to the spirit that dominates the Constitution: participation and protagonism. And on the other hand, to serve as a window on the international community. In which the right can be exercised peacefully, in terms of the validity of legality (Articles 333 and 350) and by legality (the requirement that the law return to Venezuelan soil). Now that the country is losing its honor and its life; to shout at their children who are leaving, to eat some of the garbage, to queue for a cake or medicine, to call on the world for humanitarian aid, to discuss with rampant hyperinflation and the electoral conditions that do not exist, the legality and legitimacy prescribed by the constitutional text; in the vast majority of Venezuelans today this Chavista expression seems to germinate, according to which: in the constitution everything, apart from it nothing ..! We have to admit that. Revealed citizens fighting for legality on the battlefield are fighting for the sustainability of public Rēs through supremacy dictated by the rule of law. The attempt to achieve this path, which was continued at the end of 1999 and which Venezuelan society may never have taken its march from the year 2000. He is now looking for him, out of agitation and despair, to let him rise from the ashes to beloved Venezuela, which could not be and love. For nearly two decades, “public affairs” have been systematically wasted. There is no doubt that in Venezuela, the legal framework put in place in December 1999 with the aim of consolidating “the rule of law for present and future generations… “, was systematically shaken ex profeso.

Let us briefly review here how our Magna Carta was conceived: from the precursor of a social upheaval, the deterioration of the country`s economic situation and an exhausted political class that, under nepotism and loyalty to the party, had deviated from the law and the constitution of 1961 itself. His boss: he was an aspiring and charismatic Venezuelan of military life who, after failing to take the de facto path, arrived de jure at the presidency of the Republic with 56.20% of the valid vote (3,673,685); but the indifference of 4,024,729 voters (36.55%) did not contribute to the strengthening of the republic and its democratic system because they simply did not vote. Fragment of the speech given by the liberator Simón Bolívar at the Congress of Angostura on February 15, 1819. In this case, a grand strategy would be developed on the basis of a commitment that includes a high level of solidarity. Like those that the intellectuals of communist Czechoslovakia had under the leadership of Václav Havel in the seventies. They drafted the text: Letter 77 (recommending its reading) to demand that the communist regime respect the international human rights treaties it had voluntarily accepted. Efforts that have contributed to undermining communism in this country. A dissident movement for the date that followed, as Havel and his supporters said: “I did politics without doing politics.” That is, its members were not guided by partisan principles. “A perverse people, if they attain their freedom very quickly, lose it again; for they will try in vain to show him that happiness exists in the practice of virtue; whereas the rule of law is more powerful than that of tyrants because it is more rigid and everything must be subject to its beneficial rigour; whereas morality, not violence, is the pillar of the law; that the exercise of justice is the exercise of freedom… ». “The late 80s surprised us all with joyful and disturbing news: communism is collapsing; His system seems exhausted, his empire is disintegrating. What is worrisome, of course, is not the collapse of communism, but the vacuum it leaves behind. Given the overwhelming malaise that is being experienced and given the threatening scenario of “State I,” we will see if attitudes change in the days, months, and years to come.

Don`t admit the mistake, but don`t make it again. Back on the path of justice, which will truly give us freedom. The separation of blind intelligence to which Edgar Morin refers from the political, partisan and personal interests of pragmatism, which allows us to see one and the multiple simultaneously in the complexity of the dominant opprobrium state. “There is a spectre that frightens Eastern Europe: in the West, this is called `dissent`. This ghost did not come down from the sky: it is a natural manifestation and an inevitable consequence of the historical phase that the system is currently going through that frightens this ghost. With this dark precursor, the Fifth Republic began. However, as the basis of its social coexistence and as a novelty, the nation has received a detailed set of human and civil rights ranging from Articles 19 to 130. That is to say, almost a third of the articles of the Constitution. That in nothing, the constitutional project, had to do with a rigid socialism of many countries of the world, far from being called a new one, the socialism of the twenty-first century. What was offered was the emphasis on the social; and that society participates in the exercise of its sovereignty with its citizenship and is the protagonist (art.